By Michael Mann
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2 This dualism is often expressed in a very idealist way, with the writer merely asserting an 'objective' knowledge of the laws of history which is supra-empirical. Such a position is beyond argumenteither one has faith or one has not. Yet it can take a more materialist form, in which possible consciousness normally exists in a latent form and 'explodes' into action during specified revolutionary situations. The transition is thought to occur swiftly and with little prior warning. The 'old-fashioned' view of class consciousness, which sees it as a steady step-by-step progression, is dismissed.
Lockwood, 'Sources of variation in working class images of society', Sociological Review, XIV (1966). 1 E. Allardt, 'Types of Protest and Alienation', in Allardt and S. Rokkan, Mass Politics (New York: The Free Press, 1970). 8 Juan Linz, unpublished thesis referred to by Hamilton (1967) 258. Allardt also notes that migrants to the major industrial areas of Finland tend to be social Democrats rather than Communists. 40 notes,1 Communism and class polarisation in France owe much to the revolutionary Jacobin tradition, while in Italy present-day industrial extremism is traceable directly to the 'revoltist tradition' of rural Italian society which has acted as a barrier against the incorporation of working-class leadership into the Italian establishment.
The most alienated workers are not the most revolutionary, for the necessary confidence in their own power is lacking. There is, however, another sense in which the worker's experience of reality could be viewed as a total one, and this view is increasingly popular among contemporary neo-Marxists. The gap between work and non-work can be recognised, but both can be seen as subservient to the rampant commercialism of the contemporary West. Andre Gorz (1965) has described this process: ... The further it goes ...